Monday, September 13, 2021

Gov. Kay Ivey holds the early lead in the Alabama GOP's race to make the dumbest statements yet in response to Biden's effort to get COVID under control

Alabama Gov. Kay Ivey
 

Alabama Republicans seem to be conducting a contest to see who can make the most vapid remarks about the vaccine mandates President Joe Biden issued last week. Right now, the contest is neck-and-neck, as we will show by examining some of the most rank comments. After that, we will take a look at statistics -- actual facts -- that show conservative "strategies," and intransigence from right-wing voters, have caused the nation to utterly fail at controlling the coronavirus that causes COVID-19. Here are some of the gems we've seen so far from the Alabama GOP:

 

(1) Gov. Kay Ivey -- 

“Once again, President Biden has missed the mark. His outrageous, overreaching mandates will no doubt be challenged in the courts. Placing more burdens on both employers and employees during a pandemic with the rising inflation rates and lingering labor shortages is totally unacceptable. . . .

“Alabamians have stepped up by rolling up their sleeves to get the covid-19 vaccine, increasing our doses administered significantly in recent weeks,” she added. ‘We have done so without mandates from Washington D.C. or Montgomery. I’ve made it abundantly clear: I support the science and encourage folks taking the vaccine. However, I am absolutely against a government mandate on the vaccine, which is why I signed the vaccine passport ban into law here in Alabama. This is not the role of the government. . . .

 “Bring it on. Washington won’t be telling Alabama what to do. . . . 

" You bet I’m standing in the way. And if [Biden] thinks he’s going to move me out of the way, he’s got another thing coming. I’m standing as strong as a bull for Alabama against this outrageous Washington overreach."

Schnauzer sez --

If Ivey's leadership is "strong as a bull," why was Alabama's case count at 114,000 in August -- triple what it was in July and the highest count for the state since the pandemic began? Could it be because Ivey's efforts at virus control have been a miserable failure?

Ivey makes matters even more embarrassing for the state by talking like a juvenile. You've got to love this line: "Washington won't be telling Alabama what to do." Probably every third-grade teacher in the country has had some whiny brat use language like that. And here you have Alabama's governor stooping to such a low level. It's going to be tough for anyone to unseat Ivey from the No. 1 spot in this contest.

 

(2) U.S. Senate candidate Katie Britt -- 

"Joe Biden’s vaccine mandate is yet another anti-free market overreach, This administration, going around Congress once again, is trying to change the fabric of our nation from being built on individual responsibility to being marred by dependency on big government. Forcing businesses to do something against their will tramples the free market principles that have made America great.”

Schnauzer sez:

What do free-market principles have to do with controlling a public-health crisis? The word "nothing" comes to mind. Gov. Ivey has pretty much tried a free-market approach, and it has resulted in only 39 percent of Alabamians being fully vaccinated -- a rate that is even worse than those for Mississippi, Louisiana, and South Carolina. Is it any wonder Biden felt the need to intervene?

 

U.S. Rep. Barry Moore --

"President Biden’s federal vaccine mandate is yet another breathtaking and blatantly unconstitutional power-grab by an out-of-control Administration. . . . 

"The Biden Administration’s statement that issuing vaccine mandates was ‘not the role of the federal government’ has now been revealed as a barefaced lie, just like the president’s claim that he had a plan for Afghanistan. It is clear to Americans and our allies abroad that deceit, ineptitude, and even subversion are at the foundation of this administration."

Schnauzer sez -- 

In 1905, the Supreme Court ruled 7-2 in Jacobson v. Massachusetts that public health measures, like vaccination, imposed by states are constitutional because, in essence, living in society comes with restrictions, including those pertaining to public health.

At the heart of the case is the intersection between public health and a person’s individual rights. The court ruled that while the state doesn’t have absolute power to limit individual rights, it can impose reasonable limits when it comes to public health.

Now in the wake of the sweeping federal vaccine mandates President Biden announced on Thursday and claims by some Republican lawmakers that the rules are unconstitutional, experts say legal challenges to the measure are likely to be unsuccessful because of the strong precedent established by the Jacobson case.

“I think the Biden administration can clearly point to the fact that there is an ability of governmental entities to mandate vaccination,” Brian Dean Abramson, an adjunct professor of vaccination law at Florida International University, said of the Jacobson case.

In short, Rep. Barry Moore might need to brush up on constitutional law.

Americans are now getting infected with COVID-19 at 10 times the rate needed to end the pandemic, which will persist until more people get vaccinated, NIAID director Anthony Fauci tells Axios.

Threat level: "The endgame is to suppress the virus. Right now, we're still in pandemic mode, because we have 160,000 new infections a day. That's not even modestly good control ... which means it's a public health threat."

  • "In a country of our size, you can't be hanging around and having 100,000 infections a day. You've got to get well below 10,000 before you start feeling comfortable," Fauci says.
  • Once enough people have been vaccinated, he adds, "you'll still get some people getting infected, but you're not going to have it as a public health threat."

Between the lines: Despite all of the buzz about the Mu variant, which appears to elude some protective properties of authorized vaccines and prior infections, the Delta variant continues to dominate in the U.S. and around the world.

  • The good news: Fauci says this means currently authorized vaccinations are still effective.
  • The bad news: Not enough Americans are taking measures against the Delta variant, which has already upped the stakes.
  • And, the longer it takes to end this pandemic phase, the bigger the chance we'll end up with a "monster variant" that not only eludes vaccines but also is dangerously transmissible.

Alabamians, it seems, have a choice: They can cling to the failed "free-market principles" that Ivey, Britt, and Moore espouse or they can get behind Biden's efforts to increase vaccination rates, reduce case counts, and get the virus under control -- increasing the odds that they, their children, and other loves ones and friends will live to see a mostly COVID-free country.

Friday, September 10, 2021

Balch & Bingham's "unholy trinity" of racism, child-sex charge, and elder abuse should prompt Southern Company to immediately sever ties with the law firm

Chase T. Espy connects child-sex charge to Balch

Should Southern Company, parent firm of Alabama Power, distance itself from the Balch & Bingham law firm -- given Balch's unsavory stew of PR headaches, which include racism, a child-sex charge, and elder abuse? The answer is "yes, pronto," according to a post at banbalch.com. Writes Publisher K.B. Forbes, under the headline "Unholy Trinity: Pedophilia, Elderly Exploitation, and Racism. Southern Company Needs to Terminate Balch Now":

When we met in 2018 with Southern Company’s Jim Kerr, who serves as Chief Compliance Officer, General Counsel and Executive Vice President, he flatly told us he does not need to use Balch & Bingham and has plenty of other law firms he can utilize who could do the same work as Balch.

Of course, Kerr’s words were lip service to us.

Even though Southern Company’s CEO Tom Fanning has distanced himself from Balch, subsidiaries like Mississippi Power and Alabama Power continue to utilize the embattled law firm.

With the pedophilia debacle, alleged elderly exploitation scandal, and alleged racism rocking the once-prestigious firm, Fanning needs to rise up and terminate the law firm, and put the uncontrolled and unsavory conduct to a quick and necessary death.

Is there any reason for Southern Company to maintain ties to a law firm with a trifecta of ugly associations? Forbes can't think of one:

Misery loves company, they say, but Southern Company no longer needs to accompany Balch or put up with their alleged filthy baggage.

Balch, which has lost millions and dozens of money-making partners, appears to live in a fantasy world of public relations fluff and feel-good advertising campaigns.

The reality is ex-Balch partner and Balch-made millionaire Joel I. Gilbert is going to prison before the end of the year for money laundering and bribery in a criminal scheme to suppress African-Americans in North Birmingham from having their toxic property tested by the EPA.

The reality is Balch & Bingham has been rocked by ex-Balch attorney Chase T. Espy who was arrested last month for soliciting a child online last March. Espy was terminated by Balch after eight long years. Was there a cover-up? Investigators have been briefed, we are told.

The reality is the estate of Mrs. B, the elderly grandmother who recorded Amy Davis Adams, a Balch partner making alleged unsubstantiated and fear-mongering statements in an attempt to control her $218 million fortune, has allegedly spurred interest from investigators at the U.S. Department of Justice, we are told.

So far, Southern Company has largely brushed off questions about its ties to Balch. But one must wonder how long that strategy will hold up. Writes Forbes:

Kerr was also the same executive at Southern Company to foolishly tell us that the alleged racism in North Birmingham was a “hypothesis.”

After the murder of George Floyd and the unrest in Atlanta, Southern Company issued a statement promising to fight racism and to work to end injustice.

This past May, at their annual shareholders meeting, Fanning stated, according to news reports, “We are seeing that the business community, not the government, will be the lead change effort for this movement. I don’t want our work to be reactive, a one-off event or some short-term episode.”

How ugly is Balch's record on race?

Balch & Bingham appears to be the epitome of an institution that allegedly contributes to the gross injustice against poor African-American communities and allegedly is rooted in promoting systemic racism.

About 1 percent of Balch partners are non-white, while 92.5 percent of the residents in North Birmingham that were targeted by a criminal scheme born at the offices of Balch & Bingham are African-American.

Is this not a shining example of blatant racism and injustice?

Shareholders and SEC investigators do not want to believe Fanning provided misleading statements.

And now with an alleged pedophile and elderly exploitation scandal tied to Balch, termination should be easier than ever, and Kerr, who now also serves as Chief of Staff to Fanning, has other firms waiting in the wings.

Well then, Tom, terminate Balch, now.

Thursday, September 9, 2021

In addition to making "extortionate" demand for $4.5 million, Matrix owner Joe Perkins allegedly warned clients of looming trouble for Jeff Pitts and Canopy

 

How did Matrix LLC owner Joe Perkins react to news that the firm's CEO, Jeff Pitts, and several other employees were leaving to start a similar firm in Florida? Court documents filed in Duval County, Florida, indicate Perkins did not take the news well at all. In fact, one might say he became a bit unhinged.

Pitts and the new company, Canopy Partners LLC, are co-plaintiffs in a complaint that appears to be a response to a lawsuit Perkins filed in Jefferson County, Alabama. Pitts levels a number of stunning allegations against Perkins, suggesting this could be a no-holds-barred affair once it takes flight in the proper venue, which appears to be Duval County. Let's examine some of the most serious allegations in Pitts' complaint: (The complaint is embedded at the end of this post.)

1. Perkins demands $4.5-million "extortionate" payment for Pitts to avoid the Alabama lawsuit, perhaps with assistance from an apparently well-heeled client known as "Client A

a. From Pitts' complaint: On April 9, 2021, Mr. Perkins’ attorney reached out to Mr. Pitts with a message from Mr. Perkins, whereby Mr. Perkins demanded that Mr. Pitts pay Mr. Perkins the extortionate amount of $4.5 million and sign a non-disclosure, confidentiality, and non-disparagement agreement. Mr. Pitts advised that he did not have $4.5 million, to which the attorney responded at Mr. Perkins’ direction that Mr. Pitts should get the funds from Client A, going so far as to demand that the funds from Client A be routed through a specific multi-step process to a bank account owned and controlled by Mr. Perkins. In addition, Mr. Pitts was told that he would be provided with a packet of information Mr. Perkins wanted Mr. Pitts to share with Client A to convince Client A to provide the $4.5 million.

2. Perkins sends alarming text to Canopy employee

a. From Pitts' complaint: On January 15, 2021, Mr. Perkins texted a Canopy employee, threatening to expose sensitive information and telling him to “protect [yourself] quickly."

3. Perkins warns "Client A"

a. From Pitts' complaint: On January 17, 2021, Mr. Perkins reached out to Client A to falsely claim to Client A that Mr. Pitts may have engaged in illegal actions with respect to the work Mr. Pitts had undertaken on behalf of the client, and that Mr. Pitts had harmed the client.

b. From Pitts' complaint: On February 26, 2021, Mr. Perkins reached out to Client A again to falsely tell the client that the client could not work with Canopy because Mr. Pitts was “under investigation by authorities."

c. From Pitts' complaint: On March 3, 2021, Mr. Perkins reached out to another client to falsely advise the client that Mr. Pitts was under investigation and had done something that was possibly illegal.

4.  Perkins/Matrix issue warning to potential Pitts client and interfere with Canopy records

a. From Pitts' complaint: On January 21, 2021, a Matrix employee, at Mr. Perkins’ direction, reached out to another potential client of Canopy to give a false warning to the client against engaging Canopy because of a purported conflict of interest, even though no such conflict of interest existed. Additionally, on January 26, 2021, Mr. Perkins called this same potential client and offered to partner with this client on business but only if they would do no future business with Canopy or Mr. Pitts.

b. From Pitts' complaint: Beginning on January 31, 2021, Matrix employees, at Mr. Perkins’ direction and over the course of a number of days, accessed the Facebook account of an organization that Canopy assists in managing, removing Canopy’s employees and consultants from accessing the account. Although Canopy’s employees and contractors were able to temporarily regain access through communications with Facebook explaining the improper access, on February 18, 2021, Matrix employees, again at Mr. Perkins’ direction, again improperly accessed the organization’s Facebook account and removed all Canopy-related employees/contractors as well as the other client account managers. Canopy and its client have since been unable to regain access to the account. Mr. Perkins has, on multiple occasions, refused to return control of the account to Canopy and its client.

c. From Pitts' complaint: In addition to usurping control of Canopy’s client’s organization’s Facebook account, a Matrix employee, at Mr. Perkins’ direction, improperly and without authority accessed and changed the password for a GoDaddy account that owned a number of domains belonging to Canopy’s client’s organization. Canopy and its client are unable to access or control the websites associated with those domains and Mr. Perkins has, on multiple occasions, refused to return control of the domains to Canopy and its client.

5.  Perkins sends "greetings" regarding Canopy to major Atlanta firm

a. From Pitts' complaint: On March 19, 2021, a potential client (“Potential Client X”), which is an Atlanta-based company with operations in the Southeast including Alabama, Georgia, and Mississippi, met with Mr. Pitts to inform him that Potential Client X wanted to engage Canopy on a project but that Mr. Perkins had warned him and other executives in the company that hiring Mr. Pitts would be like “taking food off his children’s table” and would not be good for the company or those executives to do. Additionally, around this time, there were multiple reports that Mr. Perkins was falsely telling the CEO and other top executives of Potential Client X that Mr. Pitts was “under investigation."

 6. Perkins issues warnings to Canopy contractors

a. From Pitts' complaint: Just prior to March 26, 2021, Mr. Perkins met with a contractor that works with Canopy and potential clients, falsely telling the contractor that “bad things were going to happen to Mr. Pitts,” that Mr. Pitts was under investigation so the contractor should stay away from Mr. Pitts.

b. From Pitts' complaint: On March 26, 2021, Mr. Perkins reached out to another Canopy contractor and falsely told that contractor to ‘stay away from Mr. Pitts’ because ‘bad things were about to happen to him.’ That contractor immediately called Mr. Pitts to tell him what Mr. Perkins had told him and to ask for an explanation.

 

Wednesday, September 8, 2021

James E. Hill Jr., opposing counsel in Burt Newsome conspiracy case, makes curious statements that raise questions of a possible fix regarding counterfeit order

James E. Hill Jr.
 

Birmingham attorney Burt Newsome is seeking U.S. Supreme Court (SCOTUS) review of his conspiracy case, which alleges individuals tied to the Balch & Bingham law firm engaged in a scheme to frame him for  a crime to help make off with a chunk of his banking practice. Newsome's petition for certiorari focuses mainly on matters of law, which he argues are inconsistently applied around the country.

Questions of law, however, are not the only troubling issues the Newsome case raises. Public records indicate Alabama courts handled matters of fact with a lack of integrity, competence, or both. In fact, some Alabama-court factual holdings in the case, upon close examination, induce what might be called a "WTH"-style reaction. Consider this example:

(1) Why was a defendant's attorney conferring with the Shelby County County District Attorney's Office and the Alabama Attorney General's Office?

This question arises from Newsome's efforts to get an expungement of a menacing charge that defendant John F. Bullock brought against him. Bullock alleged that Newsome pulled a gun on him as he was attempting to leave his vehicle to visit a dentist near Newsome's office. This came while Newsome was in a state of high alert after another man (who since has died) allegedly pulled a gun on him for trying to collect on a debt the man's wife owed.

James E. Hill Jr., a state representative and a former circuit judge in St. Clair County, is Bullock's attorney. Hill now serves with the Moody-based firm of  Hill Gossett Kemp & Hufford. Billing records filed with Bullock's motion for attorney fees and costs in the Newsome case show Hill conferred with the Shelby County DA's Office by phone on 9/28/15 and sent correspondence to that office on 10/1/15. The billing records also show correspondence sent to the Alabama AG's Office on 8/15/16, followed by a telephone conference with assistant AG Ferris Stephens on 8/22/16.

Why might the communications with the DA's Office and the AG's Office be of concern? Perhaps the answer to that question is found in Newsome's appellants' brief with the Alabama Supreme Court.

First, Newsome argues that defendants' attorneys -- including Hill representing Bullock -- made it a habit to present deceiving arguments to the court. At a hearing on Newsome's motion to recuse Jefferson County Circuit Judge Carole Smitherman, the record shows defendants responding thusly regarding Shelby County Judge Sonny Conwill's ruling on Newsome's motion to expunge:

Judge Conwill writes an order that obviously threw out (Newsome's) motion to expunge, but here's also what Judge Conwill said, that the release is valid. The release is valid.

Is that accurate? Not exactly, counters Newsome:

These arguments/statements are false on all counts. Judge Conwill did not write the order. It was Seier's and Bullock's attorneys who drafted the counterfeit order, which held that Newsome had not met all the requirements of his "sentence." Newsome was not sentenced to anything -- his criminal case was dismissed with prejudice. The counterfeit order is a fraud, and Judge Conwill did not enter it or any other order holding that the release is valid. In addition, Newsome's record is still expunged, and there is not even a case on the SJIS in which to enter the order. 

Defendants' attorneys went on to argue that Newsome obtained his expungement petition under false pretenses, and that it was therefore vacated, meaning defendants were free to use the content of Newsome's expunged file in the civil action. Newsome shows that argument has a slight problem:

This counterfeit order was never stamped filed nor entered into the SJIS and is, in fact, not a legal order. 

How could Alabama courts recognize an order that never was filed in the state's official system of records, and thus, is not a legal order? That remains a mystery, one Newsome has submitted to the U.S. Supreme Court for review. But Alabama courts left the non-order very much in play. Writes Newsome:

Despite this counterfeit order not being a legal order, the trial judge allowed all of the defendants to repeatedly file into evidence in this civil action contents of Newsome's expunged criminal file, in violation of Code of Alabama Sec. 15-27-16. The trial judge accepted the counterfeit order as valid that allegedly reversed Newsome's expungement of his criminal record and relied on it herself in several hearings and in her orders. 

As for James E. Hill Jr., consider his response -- as Bullock's attorney -- to Newsome's motion to stay:

The Circuit Court of Shelby County exercised its discretion and allowed the records to be utilized by the defendants as they see fit -- an exercise in discretion with no significant possibility of appellate review of action."

 Should those words raise an eyebrow with the public? They certainly did with Newsome:

One wonders why the attorney for Bullock would think that there was no possibility of a higher court reviewing an order of a circuit-court judge at this juncture in the case. Unless, Bullock's attorney was already aware that the counterfeit order was a fraud, it was never going to be entered into the SJIS and become  a final order, and therefore Newsome would never have a chance to appeal it.

Is this the only issue of fact that Alabama courts handled in a dubious manner? No, and we will examine others in upcoming posts.

Saturday, September 4, 2021

Florida lawsuit fires back at Matrix founder/owner Joe Perkins, with allegations of "extortionate" demands for money, raising possible implications for Alabama Power and Birmingham's Balch & Bingham law firm

Joe Perkins
 

The former president and CEO of Montgomery-based Matrix LLC alleges in Florida court papers that Joe  Perkins, the company's founder and owner, demanded a $4.5-million payment or he would file a lawsuit against former president Jeff Pitts and possibly a key client of Pitts' new firm. Perkins filed such a lawsuit in Jefferson County Circuit Court in August. Pitts also alleges that Perkins engaged in harassing, defamatory, and threatening communications with Pitts' current employees and clients. In his complaint, Pitts describes Perkins' financial demands as "extortionate."

Jeff Pitts worked at Matrix for roughly 25 years -- and was considered Perkins' likely successor as head of the strategic communications and political-consulting firm -- but Pitts resigned in late 2020 to start his own competing company, Canopy Partners LLC, in Plantation, FL. Three other former Matrix employees left to join Pitts at Canopy.

Pitts and Canopy are co-plaintiffs in a complaint filed Thursday in Duval County, FL. (The full complaint is embedded at the end of this post.) Perkins, who has longstanding ties to Alabama Power and its chief law firm (Balch & Bingham), is the sole defendant. Pitts' complaint comes roughly five weeks after Perkins filed his lawsuit in Alabama, claiming Pitts and other former employees improperly retained Matrix's trade secrets and proprietary information; set up entities to serve as competition while still working for Matrix, effectively embezzling fees from the Alabama firm; and possibly compromised Matrix's computer server in its Birmingham office, apparently trying to hide or destroy data stored on the server.

In his Florida complaint, which is not styled as a counterclaim, Pitts asserts that Duval County is the proper venue for the controversy to be heard -- and he levels some unsavory allegations of his own. From the Pitts/Canopy complaint:

Over the last fifteen years, Mr. Perkins regularly initiated discussions with Mr. Pitts relating to Mr. Perkins’ retirement and plans to transition ownership of Matrix to Mr. Pitts. Despite these regular conversations, Mr. Perkins never followed through or allowed Mr. Pitts any real opportunity to obtain an ownership interest in Matrix.

Accordingly, on December 9, 2020, Mr. Pitts met with Mr. Perkins to advise that he and several other Matrix employees were leaving Matrix to start a new firm, Canopy.

Mr. Perkins was upset with this news and asked Mr. Pitts to reconsider. When Mr. Pitts declined, Mr. Perkins and Mr. Pitts engaged in several discussions regarding the transition of clients and personnel issues. 

Mr. Perkins agreed that Mr. Pitts and Canopy were entitled to take Matrix’s Florida-based clients, except that Matrix and Canopy could both perform work for one particular Florida client, referred to herein as “Client A.”

Although Mr. Perkins initially led Mr. Pitts to believe Mr. Perkins would cooperate with a professional transition and sent emails supporting Mr. Pitts to Matrix clients, Mr. Perkins began almost immediately taking steps to harm, undermine, defame, and destroy the reputation of Mr. Pitts and Canopy, as well as to extort Mr. Pitts to Mr. Perkins’ personal benefit. 

To this end, Mr. Perkins used Matrix staff and confidential information to develop a campaign of false information and intimidation.

How ugly did Perkins's campaign get, according to the Pitts/Canopy complaint.? The answer is "pretty ugly." -- and it appears "Client A," who must have a sturdy bank account, got caught in the middle of it. 

We will examine these and other issues in upcoming posts.

 

Thursday, September 2, 2021

Ali Alexander and his lawyer, Baron Coleman of Mongomery, are defendants in U.S. Capitol Police lawsuit against Trump and others over Jan. 6 riot

Ali Alexander
 

Ali Alexander, a right-wing extremist with ties to Alabama, organized the Stop the Steal rally that turned into an assault on the U.S. Capitol. Alexander now finds himself among defendants in a lawsuit brought by U.S. Capitol Police officers seeking damages for injuries sustained in the deadly Jan. 6 riot. Baron Coleman, Alexander's Montgomery-based attorney who incorporated Stop the Steal as an LLC in Alabama, also is named as a defendant.

Leading the list of defendants is former President Donald J. Trump and Donald J. Trump for President Inc., according to a report at Salon. In fact, Stop the Steal (c/0 George B. Coleman) and Alexander (a/k/a Ali Abdul Razaq Akbar, a/k/a Ali Abdul Akbar) are right below Trump and Trump for President in the lawsuits' list of defendants. The 71-page complaint was filed by Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, a civil-rights organization founded in 1963 at the request of President John F. Kennedy; it is based in Washington, D.C. Also among the defendants is Roger J. Stone, a longtime Florida-based Trump supporter and GOP dirty trickster, who reportedly helped lead a cyber attack and stalking campaign against Legal Schnauzer via fraudulent Facebook accounts

Alexander reportedly has been in hiding since Jan. 6, but the lawsuit lists his address as 5125 Pinellas Avenue, Fort Worth, TX, 76244. It will be interesting to see if the Lawyers Committee manages to serve him, perhaps via the U.S. Marshals Service. Could the service process and the possible involvement of U.S. marshals increase the likelihood that Alexander will face criminal charges related to Jan. 6? We will be watching with interest.

Stone is not the only defendant in the Capitol Police lawsuit who has a history of threats and harassment against this blog and its publisher, yours truly. Alexander, along with his former colleagues in the National Bloggers Club (NBC), has made a number of threatening statements and actions against progressive voices in Alabama -- especially Legal Schnauzer and activist/whistleblower/attorney Dana Jill Simpson.

The NBC reportedly helped launch a smear campaign in 2018 against Special Counsel Robert Mueller. Alexander's ties to GOP money men, such as Robert Mercer and Foster Friess, apparently helped him rise in the right-wing media galaxy, despite his history of trolling for Gay Sex on Grindr and a substantial criminal record (the likely reason for his name change, from Ali Akbar to Ali Alexander).

Closer to home, Alexander has bragged about his ties to the Alabama legal world, perhaps through his friendship with Baron Coleman, who once practiced with Alabama State Bar official Tripp Vickers.

Simpson and I know what it's like to be the target of Alexander and his right-wing goons. Alexander once threatened  to sue me for reporting accurately and fairly about a letter  Simpson wrote to Obama re-election counsel Robert Bauer in 2012. My wife received notice of the lawsuit threat shortly after my "arrest for blogging" in October 2013. Was that a coincidence, considering that Alexander's NBC buddies were in a blogging frenzy when word broke of my incarceration. Does that mean they know who caused the unlawful loss of my freedom, the loss of our Birmingham home via wrongful foreclosure, and perhaps my wife's severely broken arm in 2015 at the hands of deputies in Missouri (where we now live)? Let's just say we haven't ruled out Alexander and NBC's knowledge of, and perhaps involvement with, any or all of those events.

Simpson has experienced all kinds of unsettling incidents related to her house, vehicle, and property -- some involving fire. She has stated publicly that she suspects Akbar and/or his colleagues' involvement in at least some of these evens.From a November 2018 LS post

Simpson's interactions with the right-wing crazies go back several years, to the beginnings of the Don Siegelman case:

The NBC, as we call them, came to my attention when they harassed and told false stories about Siegelman activists. The NBC is a vicious group. What is such a hoot is that is how I first learned about crazy Steve Bannon's bunch. I started getting a master's degree in philosophy and religion, and the nuts in the National Bloggers Club started following me around in D.C. and California. The idiots were making a film for Andrew Breitbart and were trying to falsely claim I was a ring leader in Anonymous, as they were friends of mine, and that I was dating a guy who they believed was in Anonymous. The dimwits offered me all kinds of things to say I was part of it, through him.


Simpson knows these creepy wingers can get both scary and personal. She also says they are behind -- at least in part -- some of the abuse (false arrest and imprisonment, theft of house) that has been directed at my wife, Carol, and me. . . . Says Simpson:

Even as late as 2013 they were threatening me and called my boyfriend (now husband) trying to advise him not to marry me, telling him I was going to jail. The GOP National Blogger bunch in 2014, due to me having a neck injury, worked with their Alabama State Bar buddy, Tripp Vickers, and his former law partner,  Baron Coleman and a federal judge to try to set me up -- when in all likelihood it was them who set my office yard on fire and burned up my car and my shed with all my files in it. They spent months trying to frame me with all kinds of things. They were not successful. I might add, in my opinion, they were responsible for what happened to Shuler as well -- as some of their members bragged about it at their Web sites and were working with Rob Riley who first used a #MeToo deal in the Doug Jones-Roy Moore race.

Alexander also has threatened legal action against Simpson. Consider this from one of his online comments:

Jill Simpson should lawyer up buddy. Tell her not to worry about coming to Texas. I can come to Alabama. I'll dine with the Governor and then spend the afternoon cashing in favors with Alabama lawyers.

This raises some questions that hit close to home: The governor at the time was Robert Bentley, who I helped bring down by breaking the story about his extramarital activities with senior aide Rebekah Caldwell Mason. And what kind of favors was Alexander cashing in with Alabama lawyers? Is this a reference to the Alabama State Bar? What implications might this have for Carol and me, given that Missouri deputies  shattered her arm during an unlawful eviction that occurred about the time I was breaking the Bentley story? We will ponder that question in a future post.

Meanwhile, we note that Alexander and Coleman have a history of making sport of others' legal misfortunes. Consider this repartee under the LS headline"Tweet suggests Ali Akbar and attorney Baron Coleman know who's behind my arrest and our foreclosure 

You can read the first part of the Twitter conversation at the beginning of this post, and the second part is at the end.

Akbar starts the festivities by tweeting about Matt Osborne, the editor of Breitbart Unmasked, and me--with a reference to a $3.5-million default judgment against me in the (Jessica Garrison case). The default judgment, by law, is void and due to be overturned, and that process is ongoing.

Removing extraneous comments from a couple of other folks, here is the conversation between Akbar and Coleman:

Akbar: Matt Osborne sure helped Roger Shuler out. Hahaha. $3.5 M libel mishap. Idiots flock together.

Coleman: The last three year's of that guy's life is a fine example of what not to do.

Akbar: His whole existence.

Coleman: He's judgment-proof, has nothing. No reason to bother fighting it. $1 might as well be $10 million to him.

Now that they are targets of a lawsuit from the U.S. Capitol Police, one that could eventually have criminal implications, Alexander and Coleman might not find such matters so amusing.

Wednesday, September 1, 2021

Ben Franklin poem provides apt analogy to state courts' butchery of Burt Newsome case, requiring SCOTUS review to ensure due process lives in Alabama

David Clifford Holland
 

Part Five

David Clifford Holland, a veteran civil-rights litigator from New York City, compares Alabama courts' baffling handling of the Bert Newsome case to a long-ago poem that Benjamin Franklin apparently wrote. The poem presents an apt analogy to the Newsome matter, and Holland uses it to begin his amicus brief urging the U.S. Supreme Court (COTUS) to review the Newsome case. Writes Holland:

The confounding procedural history of the state-court proceedings (in Newsome) are reminiscent of the old poem most often attributed to Benjamin Franklin, entitled: “For The Want Of A Horseshoe Nail.” That poem analyzes a sequence of simple events in a mythical wartime supply chain to deduce how a simple failure can lead to widescale catastrophic results. It reads:

“For the want of a nail the shoe was lost,

For the want of a shoe the horse was lost,

For the want of a horse the rider was lost,

For the want of a rider the battle was lost,

For the want of a battle the kingdom was lost,

And all for the want of a horseshoe-nail.”

Poor Richard’s Almanack, 1789; See also, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/For_Want_ of_a_Nail

Holland filed his brief on behalf of  The Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc., of Hialeah, FL. (The full brief is embedded at the end of this post.) Here's how Holland describes the church's interest in the Newsome matter, while noting a central matter in the case:

The Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. (“The Church”), is a not-for-profit corporation organized under Florida law in 1973.1 The Church and its congregants were the subject of a favorable prior ruling from this Court in the matter known as, The Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. City of Hialeah, 508 U.S. 520 (1993).

The Church is committed to the freedom of expression and exercise of religion. It actively advocates for those individuals and entities which have been denied significant Due Process in their dealings with municipal and governmental entities as well as Courts in the jurisdictions where they reside.

Petitioners have been harmed by the rulings of the Circuit Courts in Shelby and Jefferson Counties which were ratified by the Supreme Court of Alabama. Their injury stems from the simple abdication of those Courts from enforcing the requirements of Rule 58(c) that all Orders be uploaded and docketed with the SJIS system. Abidance by that Rule makes an Order official, final, and appealable. Because all the appellate courts of Alabama relied upon an undocketed “implicit” order which was not entered into the SJIS system as required by Rule 58(c), it would appear that there was no valid final Order from which an appeal could be taken. Lacking a valid final and appealable Order in the SJIS system, the appellate rulings and ramifications thereof which overturned the Trial Court’s expungement order and vacation of the Dismissal and Release Agreement appear to be unripe and devoid of critical Due Process protections guaranteed under the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. The Church of Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc., submits this Amicus Curiae brief in support of the Petition for a Writ of Certiorari.

How nutty was it for Alabama courts to rely on an undocketed "implicit" order that had not been filed with the SJIS? Holland explains, again noting the Franklin poem's application to the bizarre proceedings at hand:

As discussed below, that insightful lesson about the cascading impact of a simple failure of operations is adaptable to the instant matter. The procedural history and resulting harms caused by the successive courts' failures to abide by Rule 58(c) demonstrate the vast magnitude of Due Process violations that resulted - all for the want of observance of the SJIS docketing requirement under the Alabama Rules of Civil Procedure.

Applied here, that causality chain and cascading impact of constitutional impingement goes something like this:

For the want of a docketed SJIS Order, the expungement order was improperly lost,

For want of the expungement order, the D&R agreement releasing remote third parties was reinstated,

For want of abidance to Rule 58(c), an undocketed Order was drafted, but not filed, 

For want of filing, the undocketed Order was void and appeals could not be properly taken,

For want of proper appeals, the subsequent rulings from the Circuit Courts of Shelby and Jefferson Counties, as well as the Supreme Court of Alabama, were flawed and Due Process was lost, 

All for the want of compliance with Rule 58(c) of the Alabama Rules of Civil Procedure.

Can, and should, the nation's highest court do anything to correct this chain of gaffes in Alabama? Yes, says Holland:

Rule 58 of the Alabama Rules of Civil Procedure mandates the procedures by which a court order is  rendered and docketed. More specifically, a Judge may render an order or judgment by: (1) separate written document, (2) by including the order or judgment in a judicial opinion, (3) by endorsing upon a motion the words “granted,” “denied,” “moot,” or words of similar import, and dating and signing or initialing it, (4) by making or causing to be made a notation in the court records, or (5) by executing and transmitting an electronic document to the electronic-filing system. Ala. R. Civ. P. 58(a).

Once rendered, that order or judgment rendered must then be docketed in the following manner: “Upon rendition of an order or a judgment as provided in subdivision (a)(1-4) of this rule, the clerk shall forthwith enter such order or judgment in the court record. An order or a judgment shall be deemed “entered” within the meaning of these Rules and the Rules of Appellate Procedure as of the actual date of the input of the order or judgment into the State Judicial Information System. An order or a judgment rendered electronically by the judge under subdivision (a)(5) of this rule shall be deemed “entered” within the meaning of these Rules and the Rules of Appellate Procedure as of the date the order or judgment is electronically transmitted by the judge to the electronic-filing system. The entry of the judgment or order shall not be delayed for the taxing of costs. Interest upon a judgment runs from the date the court renders the judgment.”

All of that seems straightforward enough. So why couldn't Alabama courts get it right in the Newsome case? Writes Holland:

It is clear from Rule 58(c) that the uploading of an Order or Judgment to the SJIS system is required to provide both public notice of it and the imprinting of the Clerk’s electronic time stamp upon it to officially commence the time periods in which appellate or other action must be taken with regard to it. That rule provides consistency in Court proceedings and ensures the finality of orders so that appeals may be properly taken. That Rule is very similar to the purposes of Rule 58 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure to ensure notice to the parties that an Order or Judgment has become “official” and the ability to take timely appeal from it thereafter.

The protracted procedural history of the instant matter in the Alabama state courts makes clear what results when the docketing requirement of Rule 58(c) is abandoned.

Petitioner Newsome litigated and obtained an expungement order from the Circuit Court, Shelby County. See, That Order was docketed in the SJIS system and effectively caused all of the records from Mr. Newsome’s arrest and prosecution to be expunged from his record. The Judge who issued that Order in the system at the Circuit Court, Shelby County, Alabama, retired soon thereafter. As a direct consequence of the expungement order, the Dismissal and Release Agreement was also vitiated as it was derivative of the then expunged criminal records and proceeding. As such, the D&R agreement became a nullity and whatever restrictions against Petitioners filing civil or criminal claims against ascertainable and unknown third party private citizens who were directly or indirectly related to the criminal case were no longer applicable. That SJIS docketed expungement order was the subject of extensive subsequent litigation.

Motion and litigation practice continued and that expungement order previously docketed in the SJIS system was supplanted by a subsequent ruling reversing the expungement order which consequently reinstated the prohibitions on civil actions contained in the D&R Agreement. However, that reversal order was never docketed in the SJIS system as required by Rule 58(c). A non-docketed order should not be deemed final and appealable until such time that it is entered into the SJIS system in accordance with Rule 58(c). But, the lack of compliance with Rule 58 was not deemed to be a barrier to several subsequent appeals which wended their way through the Circuit Courts of Shelby and Jefferson Counties, as well as the Supreme Court of Alabama. On June 8, 2016, the Supreme Court ordered that the previously undocketed order reversing the expungement order be entered into the SJIS system. The Supreme Court of Alabama sidestepped the failure to abide by Rule 58(c) and instead found that there was an “implicit” order which overturned the expungement order which was valid and binding even if not docketed in the SJIS system.

By so ratifying that defalcation of the Alabama Rules of Procedure, the Supreme Court countenanced and sanctioned the fact that several appeals of significant constitutional magnitude, including the imposition of substantial attorneys fees, were permissible even if the single order which set the cascading violations in motion was not final or ripe for an appeal. This error was not de minimis – it was catastrophic – all for the want of abidance of the docketing requirements set forth in Rule 58(c) of the Alabama Rules of Civil Procedure.

This Court should reverse the Supreme Court of Alabama and remand the matter back to state court with instruction to abide by the last order properly docketed with SJIS in accordance with Rule 58 - the Order granting expungement to Petitioner Newsome and vacation of the Dismissal and Release Agreement.

 

Previously . . .

 * Part One: Birmingham lawyer Burt Newsome seeks U.S. Supreme Court review in case involving allegations of a plot to frame him for a crime and ruin his practice

 * Part Two: Lawyer Burt Newsome asks SCOTUS to untangle Alabama courts' messy handling of case alleging he was framed for a crime in plot to ruin his practice

* Part Three: Alabama courts trampled Burt Newsome's due-process rights -- the kind of errors that happen around the country and require U.S. Supreme Court intervention

* Part Four: Amicus brief in Burt Newsome case shows courts are skeptical of release agreements in criminal cases because they can provide cover for police misconduct

 


Tuesday, August 31, 2021

Balch & Bingham has an accused child-predator problem, and it's leaving burn marks from the Alabama Governor's Office to the U.S. Supreme Court

Gov. Kay Ivey: "Burn, Baby, Burn" (banbalch.com)

Balch & Bingham's handling of former attorney Chase Tristian Espy, now facing child-solicitation charges, have left burn marks from the Alabama Governor's Office all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, according to a report at banbalch.com. It all reminds us of the question many television viewers asked when actress Shelley Long departed the long-running comedy hit Cheers: "What was she thinking?"

In fact, Ban Balch Publisher K.B. Forbes asks a version of that question when writing about the Espy matter, under the headline "Fallout: Balch’s Alleged Child Predator Burns Governor Kay Ivey and Causes a SCOTUS Cringe":

What in God’s name was Balch & Bingham thinking by not warning Alabama Governor Kay Ivey about alleged child predator and former Balch associate Chase T. Espy?

After eight long years at the embattled law firm, Espy, according to Balch’s own mouthpiece, was terminated in September of 2020. In April, just days after the alleged online solicitation of a child, Espy was hired as Deputy General Counsel to the Governor.

Balch should have warned the governor. But then again, maybe Balch believes that the law firm “owed no duty” to tell the Governor or her staff the truth.

Ivey has longstanding ties to Balch & Bingham, but it might be time for her to rethink those:

Balch’s former partner Will Sellers was Ivey’s top political advisor until she appointed him to the Alabama Supreme Court.

His wife, Lee Sellers, is currently the Director of Special Projects and Deputy Chief of Staff to the Governor.

Balch is wrapped around the Governor like a warm blanket by Montgomery’s power couple.

For whatever reason Espy was terminated, Balch should have warned the Governor or her Deputy Chief of Staff.

Instead, Espy’s arrest created international headlines because the alleged sexual deviant worked for the Governor.

That casts an unflattering light on the highest office in Alabama politics, and it might be wise for Ivey to start asking some tough questions, suggests Forbes:

Now the Governor needs to ask, who recommended Espy for the job? Who provided references and glowing letters of recommendations?

From September through March, Espy was “self-employed,” according to LinkedIn. Was he given a generous severance package by Balch?

Balch, like always, has wiped Espy clean from their website and blogs, but Espy was no little minion above a paralegal.

Espy was a valued attorney for eight years at Balch who even appeared on pleadings before the Supreme Court of the United States.

Can you imagine that an alleged pedophile, an alleged sexual pervert who sought sex with a child was presenting before the Roberts court?

Cringingly embarrassing.

Balch appears to not have had the decency, the integrity to warn their closest political allies.

And the fallout has begun.

The Sellers need to distance themselves from the once-prestigious law firm, and no one in Montgomery should trust Balch, whose core value appears to be lying while burning their friends.

And the Espy fiasco proves so.

Burn, baby, burn!

Amicus brief in Burt Newsome case shows courts are skeptical of release agreements in criminal cases because they can provide cover for police misconduct

Levin & Zeiger, Philadelphia
 

Part Four

The U.S. Supreme Court (SCOTUS) should review the conspiracy case aimed at Birmingham attorney Burt Newsome in order to declare that release and dismissal (R&D) agreements in criminal cases -- of the type present in the Newsome matter -- are unlawful when they foreclose all future civil liability for non-government actors, according to an amicus brief filed with the high court in support of Newsome's petition for certiorari.

Consejos de Latinos Unidos (CDLU), a non-profit, non-partisan national public charity based in Birmingham, filed the amicus brief on Newsome's behalf. The brief states that CDLU "has spurred three U.S. Congressional investigative hearings and numerous federal, state, and local probes. The CDLU fights unethical and unsavory businesses, inept government agencies, and corruption. CDLU educates the public about miscarriages of justice when government breaches the rule of law." Brian J. Zeiger, of the Philadelphia law firm Levin & Zeiger, prepared the amicus brief. (Full brief is embedded at the end of this post.) At the heart of Zeiger's argument are concerns about police misconduct, an issue right off the front pages of today's newspapers. But first, he notes that R&D agreements bastardize the role of a prosecutor in the American justice system. Writes Zeiger:

These (R&D) agreements offend core premises of basic fairness because they serve no public prosecutorial function, suppress valid civil claims against private parties, and impermissibly make the prosecutor have an interest in the outcome, in violation of both due process and professional ethical obligations. This case presents a good vehicle for this Court to condemn such agreements and stop authorities in Shelby County Alabama from exploiting this practice to the detriment of CDLU’s constituents. Further, this release dismissal order, was propped up to an unfiled draft order to vacating an expungement order that was never entered into the Alabama State Judicial Information System (SJIS) record.

A prosecutor holds a special position in our system of justice. “The [prosecutor] is the representative not of an ordinary party to a controversy, but of a sovereignty whose obligation to govern impartially is as compelling as its obligation to govern at all; and whose interest, therefore, in a criminal prosecution is not that it shall win a case, but that justice shall be done.” Berger v. United States, 295 U.S. 78, 88 (1935). Thus, this Court has required that matters only be prosecuted by a “disinterested prosecutor.” Young v. U.S. ex rel. Vuitton et Fils S.A., 481 U.S. 787, 807 (1987). But when a prosecutor considers private interests, he is not disinterested. “The Government’s interest is in dispassionate assessment of the propriety of criminal charges” but a “private party’s interest is in obtaining the benefits of the court’s order.” When a prosecutor has private interests as well, he “may be tempted to bring a tenuously supported prosecution if such a course promises financial or legal rewards for the private client. Conversely, a prosecutor may be tempted to abandon a meritorious prosecution if a settlement providing benefits to the private client is conditioned on a recommendation against criminal charges.”Id.

“In a case where a prosecutor represents an interested party, the ethics of the legal profession require that an interest other than the Government’s be taken into account. Given this inherent conflict in roles, there is no need to speculate whether the prosecutor will be subject to extraneous influence.” Id. Thus, a proceeding is inconsistent with “basic notion of fairness” if the prosecutor “represents an interested person” to the proceeding. Id. And such errors are structural, as it “is a fundamental premise of our society that the state wield its formidable criminal enforcement powers in a rigorously disinterested fashion, for liberty itself may be at stake in such matters.” Id. at 810. 

SCOTUS, Zeiger notes, never has approved of the widespread use of R&D agreements. How does police misconduct enter the picture? Zeiger explains:

Courts have long viewed release-dismissal practices with skepticism, if not outright hostility. For instance, in 1968 the D.C. Circuit ordered criminal charges over which it had supervisory powers dismissed in the D.C. Superior Court. See Dixon v. D.C., 394 F.2d 966 (D.C. Cir. 1968). In a concurring opinion, Chief Judge Bazelon explained that this dismissal was justified in part because of the prosecution’s abuse of a release-dismissal agreement, and the “need to prevent” such agreements from being used in future cases. See id. at 968. According to Chief Judge Bazelon:

"The major evil of these agreements is not that charges are sometimes dropped against people who probably should be prosecuted. Much more important, these agreements suppress complaints against police misconduct which should be thoroughly aired in a free society. And they tempt the prosecutor to trump up charges for use in bargaining for suppression of the complaint. The danger of concocted charges is particularly great because complaints against the police usually arise in connection with arrests for extremely vague offenses such as disorderly conduct or resisting arrest 

"Courts may not become the ‘enforcers’ of these odious agreements. We must therefore bar prosecutions which are brought because the defendant refused to promise or reneged on a promise not to file a complaint against the police. Prosecutors will then have no incentive to offer or make such agreements." Id. at 969-70. 

Other courts held similar views. In a later opinion, the Tenth Circuit described its 1984 case in Lusby v. T.G. & Y. Stores, 749 F.2d 1423 (10th Cir. 1984) as having “excoriated” the use of “releasedismissal agreement.” Hammond v. Bales, 843 F.2d 1320, 1322 (10th Cir. 1988). In another case, the Ninth Circuit strongly condemned such agreement, saying:

"It is no part of the proper duty of a prosecutor to use a criminal prosecution to forestall a civil proceeding by the defendant against policemen, even where the civil case arises from the events that are also the basis for the criminal charge. We do not mean that the prosecutor cannot present such a criminal charge. What he cannot do is condition a voluntary dismissal of a charge upon a stipulation by the defendant that is designed to forestall the latter’s civil case. The situation is made no better by the fact that here the record indicates that it was the court that asked [the criminal defendant] whether he would stipulate. Rather, it makes it worse. It brings the court to the aid of the prosecutor in coercing the defendant into agreeing to what amounts to a forfeiture of his civil rights. Nor can the prosecutor, because of failure to obtain the demanded stipulation, then introduce another charge in the hope of defeating the possible civil action of the defendant. MacDonald v. Musick, 425 F.2d 373, 375 (9th Cir. 1970). Indeed, the Ninth Circuit described release-dismissal agreements as criminal 'extortion.'” Id. at 376.

In Town of Newton v. Rumery, 480 U.S. 386 (1987), a case discussed at length in Newsome's certiorari petition, SCOTUS did not endorse release-dismissal agreements, but it did accept that they could serve some limited public interest. Courts, in general, have continued to hold  a dim view of R&D agreements. Writes Zeiger:

The Courts of Appeals have long demanded strict compliance with Rumery’s factors. Release dismissal agreements are not “presumptively valid”— quite the opposite. Coughlen v. Coots, 5 F.3d 970, 974 (6th Cir. 1993). Indeed, “these agreements should be scrutinized closely in cases where substantial evidence supports an allegation of police misconduct, in view of the potential for abuse of release-dismissal agreements by law enforcement officials.” Id. And, in every case, the prosecution must have “an independent, legitimate criminal justice objective” for the agreement. Id. But “[t]he potential for abuse of release-dismissal agreements has led the Supreme Court to urge the use of a critical eye when courts are asked to enforce them.” Gonzalez v. Kokot, 314 F.3d 311, 317 (7th Cir. 2002). . . . 

Although this Court has allowed limited use of release-dismissal agreements, individual jurisdictions have raised greater concerns. For instance, New York has adopted a very strong presumption against release-dismissal agreements. In Cowles v. Brownell, 538 N.E.2d 325, 327 (1989), the court found that these agreements were “no benefit, only a loss” to the criminal justice system. If the charges were not provable, the prosecutor had an ethical duty to dismiss them without extracting the price of a civil release. If the evidence was sufficient to gain a conviction, as the prosecutor maintained, then the dismissal of charges was contrary to the public interest in seeing a wrongdoer punished. Thus the release-dismissal agreement before the Court undermined “the legitimate interests of the criminal justice system solely to protect against civil liability; it surely does not foster public confidence that the justice system operates evenhandedly.” Id. 

Release-dismissal agreements are also unethical. As one commentator put it, “the ethics rules … prohibit a prosecutor from entering into a release-dismissal agreement,” because “there is a risk that is significant” “that the prosecutor will not pursue the government’s interest in the criminal matter due to the civil interests of the police and municipality.” Peter A. Joy, Kevin C. McMunigal, Police Misconduct and Release-Dismissal Agreements, Crim. Just. 31, at 33-34 (Fall 2018). Further, “a prosecutor violates [his] duty whenever the prosecutor conditions the dismissal of criminal charges that lack merit on a release of civil claims.” Id. at 34-35.

R&D agreements become particularly troubling when they are used to protect private parties from civil liability -- as was the case in the Newsome matter. From the CDLU brief:

The use of release-dismissal agreements to relieve private parties of all potential civil liability, even those who are not identified in the agreement cannot be justified. Rumery allowed certain types of agreements in highly circumscribed situations. It did so somewhat reluctantly. This Court never espoused what has now become widespread practice in Alabama, and what is now presented by Mr. Newsome’s petition. Indeed, all of the concerns expressed by this Court in Rumery make it plain that the types of agreements involved in Mr. Newsome’s petition offend basic notions of fairness and should not be allowed.

This Court presumes that civil lawsuits, particularly those alleging public corruption or misconduct should be filed and grievance should be aired. See Rumery, 480 U.S. at 395-96 (Powell, J., plurality op.). And this Court was willing to let release-dismissal agreements to interfere with that presumption, but only to “protect public officials” because some such lawsuits are meritless and defending them is to “the detriment of the[ defendants] public duties,” which “is distinctly not in the public interest.” See id. (emphasis added). That rationale, of course, has no bearing whatsoever on lawsuits involving private litigants. Private litigants serve no public function, they have no public duties, and our civil justice system presumes that lawsuits are the way to determine whether private actors have harmed one another. Release-dismissal agreements for unidentified private parties undermines our civil justice system—it hardly serves public needs.

The CDLU amicus brief points a glaring finger at dubious practices in the Shelby County Courthouse. Here's how Zeiger presents that issue to SCOTUS:

This Court should be deeply disturbed by the prospect of any release-dismissal agreements that attempt to waive civil liability for unidentified private parties. That alone offends due process and the premise of fundamental fairness. But this case presents a compelling story of a blanket and deeply unethical form of release agreement, coupled with procedural irregularities that suggest an even greater concern about the actions of the prosecution. As recounted by Mr. Newsome’s petition, John Bullock, a private citizen, filed the menacing criminal complaint against Mr. Newsome. But Bullock, in conjunction with the prosecutor, agreed to drop the charge. The prosecution, however, insisted on a blanket release-dismissal agreement on a standard form that was apparently used widely in the jurisdiction, and contained checkboxes for use in different cases. This release did not have any specific consideration for the facts of Mr. Newsome’s case, or articulate unique reasons why a release-dismissal agreement served the public prosecutorial interest. It was completely silent on why such an agreement was permissible, much less necessary to serve the ends of public justice. The form contained a release of all of Mr. Newsome’s civil and criminal claims against countless governmental entities as well as nongovernmental entities, complainants and potential witnesses.

Thus when Mr. Newsome filed a civil action against Clark A. Cooper, his former law firm Balch & Bingham, LLP, Mr. Bullock and Claiborne Seier, the full reach of the release-dismissal agreement became clear. Only Mr. Bullock had any direct involvement with the menacing charge. And Mr. Seier, Mr. Cooper and the law firm had nothing at all to do with the menacing complaint itself, and the allegations made by Mr. Newsome seem only to relate to behind-the-scenes efforts by those other defendants to either gin up a reason for malicious charges or exploit the charges once filed. Yet they were ultimately deemed to be covered by the release, and the broader lawsuit was dismissed in light of the agreement.

This Court should be deeply troubled by Shelby County’s apparently systematic practice of requiring the release of any and all possible claims from anyone, so long as any tenuous relation to the criminal charges can be imagined at a later date. What public interest could such a release possibly serve? Perhaps more significantly, what motives could elected prosecutors have to utilize such agreements? As discussed above— the answers are already clear. A prosecutor cannot be independent when pushing for an agreement that benefits private actors with little relationship to the charges at issue. See Young, 481 U.S. at 807; Rumery, 480 U.S. at 401-02 (O’Connor, J., concurring). And the temptation for impropriety is too great for this Court to tolerate.

Is that the only dubious Shelby County activity spotlighted in the CDLU brief? Absolutely not. Writes Zeiger:

Even that is not the end of the problem presented in this case. After Mr. Newsome filed a lawsuit alleging corruption and a conspiracy to falsely charge him with a crime, and, even more telling, alleging that the release-dismissal agreement “was obtained through fraudulent representations and a conspiracy”, the civil defendants appeared to work in tandem with the court to make sure this troubling release-dismissal agreement remained in effect. Mr. Newsome ultimately expunged his conviction and with it the release-dismissal agreement. And based on that expunction, the court overseeing his civil lawsuit vacated its prior dismissal of the lawsuit based on the release. But the defendants became involved in the expungement case, despite likely having no standing to do so, and presented the trial court with a draft order vacating the expungement. The order, however, was never entered into the State Judicial Information System and did not have any legal effect. Yet with concerted action by the defendants, and a long run of litigation in the state courts, the Supreme Court of Alabama ordered the draft order entered, notwithstanding the troubling circumstances surrounding its origin, but yet the order was never entered. This drew two dissenting opinions from the Court. Indeed, as one of the dissenting justices explained, the relevant order was never entered into the Alabama State Judicial Information System, and therefore the Alabama appellate courts never had any jurisdiction to take action, much less direct the reinstatement of the release-dismissal agreement. Whatever ultimately happened, or the legality of the on-again off-again expungement order, the Rumery Court warned others to be on the lookout for precisely this type of potential “prosecutorial misconduct. 

This case presents much more than just a legal technicality over the scope of release-dismissal agreements. It goes to the basic fairness of common practice in Shelby County Alabama. It potentially affects every one of CDLU’s constituents. This Court should therefore grant the writ.

Previously . . .

 * Part One: Birmingham lawyer Burt Newsome seeks U.S. Supreme Court review in case involving allegations of a plot to frame him for a crime and ruin his practice

 * Part Two: Lawyer Burt Newsome asks SCOTUS to untangle Alabama courts' messy handling of case alleging he was framed for a crime in plot to ruin his practice

* Part Three: Alabama courts trampled Burt Newsome's due-process rights -- the kind of errors that happen around the country and require U.S. Supreme Court interventio


Monday, August 30, 2021

Balch & Bingham law firm reportedly made changes to its Internet service and computer systems, shortly before accused child predator Chase T. Espy was fired


Chase Espy

Chase Tristian Espy, a former Balch & Bingham attorney now facing a child solicitation charge, was fired at the firm last September, according to a report at banbalch.com. Adding to the growing intrigue around the story is this: Balch & Bingham last summer, reportedly in June or July, changed its wireless IP address and computer operating system, just weeks before Espy was terminated.

Espy went on to work as a staff attorney for Alabama Gov. Kay Ivey before being fired there after his arrest last week. The incident that led to Espy's arrest occurred around midnight on March 25 of this year, according to Ban Balch. From Publisher K.B. Forbes' report at banbalch.com, under the headline "Alleged Balch Pedophile Scandal Grows; Is Federal Probe Next?":

With embattled law firm Balch & Bingham admitting they fired attorney Chase T. Espy last September after eight years at the firm, advocates have reached out to federal law enforcement authorities requesting a probe.

Espy was arrested last week for allegedly seeking to have sex with a child online. However, according to news reports, the alleged criminal incident occurred on March 25 near midnight.

The bottom line is children need to be protected from pedophiles and sexual predators, no matter what powerful positions or connections they may hold or have.

Balch & Bingham appear to be habitual liars who look like they may have obscured the ugly truth.

Balch admits they terminated Espy last September. What did Balch uncover and why would an eight year veteran of the firm be abruptly fired?

Did Balch fail to report despicable behavior or criminal acts to law enforcement authorities?

Espy worked for former U.S. Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-AL) before starting an eight-year run at Balch & Bingham (one of Sessions' longtime financial backers). After Balch fired Espy last September, he landed at Gov. Ivey's office, which raises one of many questions surrounding this matter: Did Balch know about problems with Espy and fail to alert the governor's office about them?

This leads to Balch's change in its Internet and computer set-ups, which reportedly took place in summer 2020 and raises its own set of questions. Writes Forbes:

Espy used the internet and online resources as he allegedly sought sex with a child.

Now sources at Balch tell us that the wireless IP address at the Balch offices in Birmingham was allegedly changed last year just weeks before Espy was fired.

Was this simply a coincidence or is there more to the story?

Balch sources also tell us a Balch VPN was utilized at the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic for employees working remotely, and that in the fall of 2019, Balch had upgraded their computer systems in Birmingham from Windows 7 to Windows 10.

Forbes and the non-profit public charity he leads, Consejo de Latinos Unidos (CDLU), have dealt with these kinds of issues before. He writes:

Failing to report criminal acts or not investigating them is not unheard of when sex crimes are involved.

Several years ago, we, the CDLU, fought on behalf of the  victims of sexual assault at an adult day care center in California known as Healthy Start.

Healthy Start owners allegedly discouraged a traumatized employee from reporting a rape that she witnessed to law enforcement.

Putting her job at risk, she ignored their commands and went to local law enforcement and courageously reported the atrocious sex crime.

Sadly, these developmentally disabled adult children were raped and sodomized by sexual predator Juan Fernando Flores while inept government agencies did nothing for these children, even though parents complained that something was wrong for almost a full year. Adding to the horrific acts, Flores spread a sexually transmitted disease to his victims, both male and female.

If federal law enforcement officials are investigating the Espy fiasco, our sources at Balch say that they must first go to Level 3 Communications, Balch & Bingham’s internet service provider to track and see if any dark websites were visited or utilized.

Our duty is to protect children regardless of Balch’s apparent utter lack of honesty or integrity.

If Balch is asked again about Espy by the media, will they finally tell the whole truth or will Balch hide behind the cliché that “personnel decision are strictly confidential” including those of an alleged sexual predator.